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The Behaviorist Theory of First-Language Acquisition Behaviorist theories of language learning propose that humans learn language through a process of reinforcement. In response to a stimulus, children offer a spoken response, usually a repetition of something they've just heard, and then receive either positive or negative feedback. This feedback creates what founder B.F. Skinner (1904–1990) termed operant conditioning - a change in behavior in response to feedback. (in contrast, his so-called classical conditioning involves learning to associate two events but does not entail any behavioral change.) Through this back-and-forth inductive process, children learn the rules and patterns of language. The behaviorist theory has intuitive appeal, as we often use variations of the repetition/feedback model in teaching. However, critics point out that the model completely excludes any theory of the mind, reducing the complexity of language to a rudimentary input-output model. Critics also challenged the behaviorists to explain how children could produce novel, and often complex, utterances that they had never heard - these utterances could not have been acquired through imitation, repetition, or reinforcement.
The Innate or Universal Grammar Theory of First-Language Acquisition The universal grammar theory, developed by the linguist Noam Chomsky in the 1960s, posits that humans are born with innate language abilities, which include general grammatical categories and constraints that can be adapted to or activated by any language a child is exposed to. Chomsky gave the name 'language activation device' to this hypothetical region of the brain devoted to language acquisition and production. Chomsky developed his theory in response to the behaviorist's suggestion that language competence is built through a process of trial-and-error. The universal grammar theory helps explain several key features of languages and language learning: that all languages share certain properties; that children who are exposed to a common language will all converge in their competence, despite receiving different input; and that children will learn linguistic forms for which they have received no specific input. Chomsky also turned theoretical attention to the brain and its adaptive capacities. Critics of innateness theories suggest that it privileges syntax over semantics, pragmatics, and discourse; further, it focuses on developmental aspects of language acquisition at the expense of social and psychological aspects.
The Cognitive Constructionist Model of First-Language Acquisition The cognitive constructivist model of L1 acquisition derives from the work of the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget (1896–1980). Piaget hypothesized that cognitive development (and thus language development) occurs in universal, identifiable stages. Learning occurs when a child's experiences challenge his or her current understanding of the world, driving the child to a new, more complex stage of cognitive/linguistic development. Thus, language learning is a form of adaptation to one's environment. Proponents of cognitive models of language learning point to the fact that language learning does appear to proceed according to certain stages of complexity - for example, learners in all languages master functional morphemes in similar order. Critics argue that there is little merit in Piaget's four-stage model, as the stages themselves cannot be empirically identified. Further, critics argue that the theory undervalues the influence of both culture and social interaction on language development. Cognitive constructionism differs from social constructivism in its suggestion that learners create representations of their world largely on their own inquiries and activities rather than through social interaction.
Social Constructivism Theory of First-Language Acquisition The social constructivism theory, attributed to the Soviet psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1896–1934), emphasizes the importance of social interaction in language theory. According to this model, children learn primarily from adults ('more experienced others' to Vygotsky) who model new language patterns and also correct errors. Vygotsky coined the influential term 'zone of proximal development' to explain how learning occurs: according to Vygotsky, children best learn when presented with tasks or challenges that they can accomplish with the help of others, but not alone. The set of challenges that a child can accomplish with assistance or scaffolding fall within his or her zone of proximal development. Social constructivism theory is often credited with giving proper attention to discourse, or actual language use. In this view, language is developed in a specific context rather than in accordance with universal structures or dispositions. Critics point to the fact that not all cultures prioritize interaction between children and more experienced others, and yet children in these cultures still become competent language users.
Jerome Bruner vs. Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky Discovery learning theory posits that students learn best when they construct their own knowledge through a process of inquiry, investigation, and problem-solving ('discovery') rather than when a teacher or parent tells them explicitly what they are expected to know. Bruner's theory has been very influential in the modern movement away from lecture-based teaching and toward methods that guide students in various inquiry-based activities. Like Piaget, Bruner argued that children learn in different ways as they develop, moving from mere physical manipulation of objects to the creation of mental images to the use of language. However, unlike Piaget, Bruner believed these stages to be continuous, and that children could speed up their progression through the stages. He also theorized that it is language that causes cognitive development rather than vice-versa. Like Piaget, Bruner is a constructivist, emphasizing the active role of the learner in building understanding through successively more complex engagements with the world. Chomsky, by contrast, prioritizes the importance of innate cognitive potentials.
The Critical Period Hypothesis The critical period hypothesis argues that there is an optimal age for learning a language and that the ease with which a person can learn languages declines over time. The hypothesis was first formulated by neurologist Wilbur Penfield and then elaborated by Eric Lenneberg, who argued that language learning is dependent on brain plasticity, which in humans is at an optimal level for learning during a critical period extending from roughly age two until puberty. The hypothesis has been extended to L2 learning based on the claim that adults rarely achieve full fluency in a second language learned later in life, failing most often to master complex grammatical structures or achieve a native accent. Critics of the hypothesis point to the fact that some adult-learners do fully master a second language. They also point out that factors other than brain development could explain the difference in L2 learning, as adults and children learn in different motivational and social contexts. The hypothesis privileges the explanatory framework of developmental biology by positing the existence of certain biological potentials for and limitations to language learning. It shares this orientation with Noam Chomsky and the universal grammar school of language acquisition.
Connectionist Theories of Language Acquisition Connectionist theories attempt to apply insights from neuroscience and computer science to explain language acquisition. Proponents look to advances in knowledge of how neurons function in order to explain how learning occurs. For example, the more frequently a given set of neurons fires in tandem, the more established that neuron network becomes - a feature that helps explain memory and is seen as a mechanism by which a language learner comes to associate words with objects or events. In more general terms, learning is seen as the development of specific connections in an otherwise general network in response to environmental stimuli. Computer scientists working in the field of artificial intelligence attempt to build learning networks with silicon chips playing the role of simplified neurons. Computer scientists have built models that simulate many language-acquisition activities, including how to break a continuous auditory stream into words and how to correctly form both regular and irregular verbs. These models rely primarily on statistical, inferential learning rather than on the symbol and rule-based learning typically advanced by non-computational models. Critics of the existing computational models point to their unrealistic initial assumptions and abstractions from human reality, whereas proponents see these as weaknesses that can be overcome in time.
The Emergentist Theory of Language Acquisition The emergentist theory suggests that children learn language by using a simple but adaptable set of neural networks to process and understand the complex linguistic environment they are immersed in. The theory differs from the innate theories of scholars such as Noam Chomsky in that it doesn't suggest that children are born with an expansive universal grammar hard-wired in the brain - rather, children are born with a pattern extraction ability that is effectuated by the growth and strengthening of neural networks. Emergentist theory shares with social constructionism the idea that social interaction is critical for language development but differs in its focus on the brain's ability to find patterns and extract meaning from what is potentially an overwhelming linguistic environment. The theory suggests that the brain narrows the field of possible meanings through the use of contextual, phonological, and morphological cues and by applying a type of statistical analysis of frequent language forms. While the brain is inherently capable of narrowing the field of possible meanings and finding patterns, parents and teachers can help the process by providing rich, structured, patterned linguistic input.
The Competition Model of Language Acquisition The competition model of language learning/acquisition attributed to Brian MacWhinney and Elizabeth Bates argues that there is no fundamental difference in how people acquire a first language or learn subsequent languages - in both cases, various cognitive processes compete to offer the best interpretation of the language cues offered to the language learner by the surrounding environment. The cognitive processes that make the best interpretations of the language - those that lead to the learner having successful interactions and speech acts - are reinforced as neural networks eventually get consolidated as permanent features of the brain. (With its focus on the development and consolidation of neural networks in the brain, the competition model is a type of connectionist theory of language learning.) . The competition model rejects the idea of innate linguistic structures in the brain. Rather, it posits that language develops through the interaction of generalized cognitive structures in the brain (those responsible for all aspects of thought, not just language) with the environment.
Model of First-Language Acquisition Developmental psychologists have created approximate timelines for both first-language acquisition and second-language learning. The following are typical stages and landmarks in first-language acquisition:1. Pre-speech stage (0-6 months): babies may produce what are called comfort signs (grunts and sighs) while paying attention to spoken language and beginning to distinguish phonemes.2. Babbling stage (6-8 months): babies begin to babble, or produce rhythmic sounds with syllable-like stops, often with repeated patterns. Babbling practices essential motor skills and allows infants to learn how to produce basic sounds.3. One-word stage (10-18 months): children produce their first words, usually in reference to people, objects, or actions that produce desired outcomes. Overextension and underextension (using words too broadly or too narrowly) are common.4. Two-word or telegraphic stage (18-24 months): children produce two-word phrases using lexical rather than functional or grammatical morphemes.5. Multiword stage (30 months): children speak in complete sentences, adding functional and grammatical elements, though often making errors.
Pivot Grammar The cognitive psychologist Martin Braine created the pivot grammar model in the 1960s to explain how children first structure language when moving from the one-word to the two-word speaking phase. Braine noticed children create many utterances anchored by a single word (the pivot) used in combination with a larger variety of words (which he termed open-class words). For example, children commonly use the anchor 'all' to create oft-repeated variations: 'all gone,' 'all done,' 'all eat,' etc. 'More' is another typical anchor: 'more milk,' 'more TV,' etc. Researchers noticed that children use certain pivot words first and others second, suggesting that in this phase they have begun to understand differences in word class and function. While some scholars suggest that pivot grammar is compatible with universal grammar (UG) models, others argue that, with pivot grammars, children are not building upon syntactic regularities, but rather upon lexical regularities - a direct challenge to the UG model of how children acquire languages.
Holophrase A holophrase is a single word used to express complex thought. For example, a toddler who utters the holophrase 'up' may be intending the more complex thought 'pick me up.' Consistent with the idea that children understand more language than they can produce, holophrastic conversations with adults often consist of the adult trying to interpret the meaning of a holophrastic phrase, offering alternatives to which the child responds with body-language affirmations or rejections. For example, a toddler may say 'mommy,' leaving an adult to guess 'where's mommy?' or 'you want mommy's bag?', one of which will eventually trigger the toddler's assent. Some holophrases may consist of unanalyzed combinations of two or more words - for example, 'allgone.' According to development theory, children pass into the subsequent, telegraphic stage of language development when they begin to produce two-word utterances, many of which are structured around pivot words as elaborated in the pivot grammar model.
Comprehension-Based Approaches to Second-Language Learning Comprehension-based learning focuses on building students' receptive skills (listening and reading) before they are asked to produce the language (through speech or writing). Proponents of this theory argue that listening comprehension is the most fundamental linguistic skill and serves as a useful basis for the others. Listening is also viewed as the least stressful language skill, and thus the one most likely to engage and encourage early learners. Students should not be forced to speak until they are ready, and an early silent period in which students listen to meaningful speech is expected. Stephen Krashen and Tracy Terrell's natural way methodology is a leading example of a comprehension-based approach to second-language learning.
Communicative Approaches to Second-Language Communicative approaches to second-language learning focus on providing students genuine, meaningful, experience-based interactions in the target language. Teachers spend little time talking about the target language or teaching grammar and instead focus on facilitating target-language. Students often work in pairs or groups, role-playing or negotiating the transfer of information that one student has and another lacks. Unlike comprehension-based approaches, reading, writing, speaking, and listening are integrated from the beginning. Constructivist theories emphasize that learners don't acquire knowledge but construct it through their own experiences. Constructivists therefore seek to engage language students in as many reality-based participatory scenarios as possible. As defined, communicative approaches are the most commonly used approaches in the modern classroom.
Grammar-Translation and Audio-Lingual Methods The grammar-translation method relies on explanations in the students' native language of the grammatical structures of the target language. Students are challenged to read difficult texts in the target language and to translate sentences from L2 to L1. This model is based on the way Latin was traditionally taught, with a focus on verb declensions. Modern approaches focus on communication rather than explicit knowledge of grammatical structures and favor sustained use of L2. The audio-lingual method relies heavily on repetition and drills, with language skills built systematically from simple to complex structures. The focus is on accurate pronunciation and the minimization of errors. Oral exercises are designed to control the vocabulary and grammar structures in use rather than to reflect real-world communication. This method dominated in the US immediately after WWII but has since been replaced by methods that encourage dialogue in realistic settings and trust that learners will overcome most of their early errors in later stages of speech development.
Silent Way, Suggestopedia, and Total Physical Response In silent way classrooms, teacher speech is minimized: after initially modeling an expression, the teacher uses a series of props, such as Cuisenaire rods (rods of different lengths and colors that can model both vocabulary and syntax) to help the students learn basic structures. Suggestopedia relies on music and rhythm to reinforce language patterns. Students are given scripts of L2 to read aloud with games and music. Later in the lesson, they might elaborate on the script with their own inventions or compare the L2 script to an L1 translation before moving on to another script. The total physical response method begins with the teacher giving elementary commands in L2 ('stand up!'). As students progress, the commands become more complex. Eventually, the students begin to give one another commands. This technique is still used in ESL instruction today but is one of many teaching techniques rather than an exclusive approach to learning.
Krashen's Monitor Hypothesis Stephen Krashen argues that individuals who acquire languages know inherently what is correct in that language, even if they have not formally studied the grammatical or syntactical rules of that language. However, learning plays a role even for individuals who have acquired a language: once they learn explicit rules, they can use them to monitor and correct their language use. Monitoring one's language, however, takes time and conscious attention, and thus is more feasible when writing than speaking. As Krashen points out, it is difficult to speak fluently and simultaneously attend to what one is saying - attempting to do so usually leads to interrupted speech. Critics of the monitor hypothesis include both those who argue that children may monitor their speech before they have learned language rules; and those who argue that, as defined, the hypothesis excludes use in the vast majority of speech and thus is of limited scope.
Krashen's Acquisition/Learning Hypothesis Stephen Krashen distinguishes between acquiring a language and learning a language. Acquisition is an unconscious, natural process that occurs when a learner uses the language for a variety of real-life purposes and interacts extensively with native speakers. Learning, by contrast, is a conscious process during which a student is likely to study parts of a language in sequence, as when they study vocabulary lists or learn to conjugate verbs. Krashen argues that only acquisition leads to fluency, and he further claims that learning cannot be transformed into acquisition. Unlike some theorists, Krashen did not deny that adults can acquire (rather than learn) a new language but doing so would require an adult to immerse him or herself in that language. Krashen's distinction is widely used in language theory. Critics, however, have disputed his claim that learned languages cannot subsequently be acquired, and that the distinction is difficult to define in some contexts.
Krashen's Natural Order Stephen Krashen argues that people acquire aspects of language in a natural order, regardless of which language they are acquiring or which language is their primary language. That is, certain grammatical structures are acquired early in the language process and others later. For example, research shows that individuals acquiring English will master the use of the '-ing' form of verbs before they learn to add an '-s' to the third person singular form of regular verbs. Research since Krashen's formulation of the hypothesis has weakened his findings, but not overturned them. Critics have argued that, in fact, one's first language does influence the order in which elements of a second language are acquired.
Krashen's Input Hypothesis Stephen Krashen argues that language acquisition takes place most efficiently when students are presented with input that is slightly beyond their current mastery level. In other words, students should be able to understand most of what they hear or read, but not all. If used correctly, students will be able to understand this comprehensible input through the use of context, their background knowledge, or non-linguistic cues. If comprehensible input is used effectively, it eliminates the need for explicit explanation of new structures or meanings; students will be able to deduce the meaning without explanation. Merrill Swain answered one of the principal criticisms of this hypothesis - that it only treated comprehension, not speech production - by coining the term 'output hypothesis.' In Swain's view, students will be motivated to improve their speech production when they notice, in conversation, that they are unable to express themselves fully.
Krashen's Affective Filter Hypothesis Stephen Krashen's affective filter hypothesis states that students learn most effectively in low-stress learning environments. Affective factors such as boredom or anxiety, Krashen argues, create affective filters that interfere with the learning process. Krashen is co-credited with developing the natural approach to second-language learning around this idea. This approach emphasizes that students should not be forced to speak until they feel comfortable doing so in order to avoid affective interference in the learning process. Krashen argued that children are less affected by affective factors than adults, providing children with an advantage in language acquisition. This assertion has subsequently been challenged. Krashen's hypothesis remains useful, however, in drawing attention to the importance of non-linguistic factors in language acquisition.
Michael Long's Interaction Hypothesis Michael Long's interaction hypothesis is similar to Stephen Krashen's input hypothesis in emphasizing the importance of comprehensible input - language just beyond an ELL's mastery level - for language learning. Long, however, adds an emphasis on conversational interaction, suggesting that advances in language learning will occur most readily when conversation partners have to negotiate meaning to be understood - by paraphrasing, restating, asking for clarification, using context clues, etc. Proponents of the hypothesis often add the qualification that it helps if the conversationalists are of equal status or social position (peer conversations, for example, rather than student-teacher conversations), so that the conversational queries and negotiations can occur freely. Critics have pointed out that conversational clarifications are not always successful, particularly when conducted by non-proficient language speakers.
Cognitive Strategies in Second-Language Acquisition Students use a variety of strategies in learning a second language, including cognitive strategies, social strategies, and communication strategies. Cognitive strategies are those that students employ to understand a task at hand and include such activities as memorizing, categorizing, summarizing, generalizing, deducing, and using inductive reasoning. Research has shown that students who use a variety of cognitive strategies are more successful in learning a second language. The term 'metacognitive strategies' refers to strategies that students use to improve their own learning process. Planning, self-monitoring, prioritizing, and setting goals are all examples of metacognitive strategies. The use of metacognitive strategies is highly-correlated with language student success. Thus, an ESL teacher should monitor and encourage the use of these strategies.
Robert De Keyser's Skill Acquisition Theory The skill acquisition theory posits that individuals learn skills by gradually transforming declarative knowledge into procedural knowledge through meaningful use and practice. In this model, students learn declarative knowledge about a language through classroom instruction or observation - for example, they might be taught a specific grammatical form. They then proceduralize it in use, ideally through contextualized practice. Repeated practice leads to automaticity marked by fluency and the absence of errors. The theory thus emphasizes that full competency requires processing of information by two representational systems of the mind - the declarative and the procedural - which reinforce one another in language learning. The distinction between declarative and procedural knowledge mirrors in some ways the distinction between learning and acquiring knowledge - the goal within De Keyser's framework is to move an ELL student toward further degrees of automaticity.
Model of Second-Language Acquisition Researchers have found that second-language students progress through predictable stages as they advance from their first classroom encounters with a language to full proficiency. Recognizing which stage students are in will help ESL teachers design appropriate learning activities. Silent period (also called the preproduction stage) - the learner knows around 500 words but is uncomfortable speaking. Teachers should allow the student to build receptive skills while gaining confidence. Private speech (early production stage) - the learner creates one- and two-word phrases using 1,000 words. Teachers should pose questions that allow abbreviated answers and scaffold their instruction. Lexical chunks (speech emergence stage) - the learner uses 3,000 words to form short phrases and sentences with frequent grammatical errors. Students are able to conduct short conversations with peers and read beginning stories.4. Formulaic speech (intermediate language proficiency) - the learner uses 6,000 words to make complex sentences, state opinions, and share thoughts. Learners can study content subjects in English. Teachers may shift the instructional focus to writing.5. Experimental or simplified speech (advanced language proficiency stage) - the learner approaches fluency and can make generalizations about grammar and semantics. The learner may exit the ESL program but continue to receive assistance with writing and in the content areas.
Silent Period of Second-Language Development The term 'silent period' refers to a common first stage in language acquisition, during which a student speaks little while he or she gains confidence and consolidates comprehension of the spoken language. Experts agree that students at this stage should not be forced to speak. Teachers might elicit 'Yes' or 'No' answers, or head nods and shakes. They can also ask students at this stage to draw pictures that demonstrate their understanding or draw connections between pre-printed images. If a student is hesitating to speak due to a lack of confidence, the teacher can interact first with him or her in a one-on-one, protected environment, and generally strive to create a low-risk classroom environment.
Acquisition of First and Second Languages The following chart outlines some of the differences in the acquisition of first and second languages:
First Language
Second Language -
These factors are central to the rate of progress . There are many similarities in the acquisition of L1 and L2: both occur in predictable stages, mistakes are normal, learners of both rely heavily on context and cues, production is more difficult than comprehension, and learning occurs most rapidly with interaction and task-based instructional scenarios.
Sequential Bilingualism, Simultaneous Bilingualism, and Multilingualism Bilingualism is the ability to use two languages fluently, while multilingualism is the ability to use more than one language fluently. Simultaneous bilingualism occurs when a child is raised bilingually from birth or is introduced to the second language before the age of three. Sequential bilingualism occurs when a child obtains fluency in a second language after the first language is well established - usually around the age of three. Recent research has demonstrated that children can readily learn more than one language at a time. This research overturns the limited capacity hypothesis - the assertion that children who were exposed to more than one language at a time would experience delayed and incomplete proficiency in either - that influenced the field for decades. Current research suggests bilingual learners may experience slight delays in speech production, but the variance is small and within the range of normal development. Further, bilingual children often possess smaller vocabularies in either language than their monolingual peers, but their combined vocabulary is on par with that of their peers.
Code-Switching Code-switching is a phenomenon in which speakers switch from one language to another in the same conversation, often in the same sentence. Code-switching among bilingual Spanish-English speakers is so common that a name for it has been coined: 'Spanglish.' One reason people code-switch is that they are unable to think of a word in the language they are speaking, and so they resort to a word from their native language. However, in conversation with other bilinguals, code-switching may signal solidarity or familiarity, or it may be used to convey associative, technical, or figurative meanings not available in the primary language. Bilingual speakers often use their native language to talk about their daily life and use their learned language when discussing academic or job-related topics. Code-switching can also refer to alterations in discourse undertaken in a single language - for example, when one speaker changes accent to match that of his or her interlocutor, or when an English speaker drops the final '-g' on progressive-tense verbs to project an informal, working-class form of speech.
Interlanguage: An interlanguage is the version of a learned language produced at any given moment by a language learner. An interlanguage contains elements and structures of both L1 and L2, but may differ substantially from either, leading some linguists to refer to the interlanguage as an entirely separate language. Interlanguage is often referred to as a strategy adopted by a learner to compensate for his or her limited proficiency in L2. While interlanguage is considered a normal part of language learning, it risks becoming fossilized if a learner lacks the opportunity or motivation to improve upon it. Fossilization often occurs when a learner achieves a level of proficiency that allows for effective, albeit limited, communication. Various cognitive tendencies contribute to the formation of an interlanguage. The linguist Larry Selinker, who first developed the concept of interlanguage in the 1970s, identified five such tendencies, including language transfer, which occurs when a learner applies knowledge or rules from L1 to L2. A second tendency, overgeneralization, occurs when a learner extends a language rule beyond its actual scope - for example, when an ELL universally adds '-ed' to create a past-tense verb, resulting in errors like 'swimmed.'.
Language Transfer Language transfer is the influence of a native language (L1) on a learner's ability to learn a new language (L2). This influence can have either positive or negative effects - for example, the existence of cognates can help a learner understand L2, whereas the existence of false cognates exerts a negative influence. The term 'language interference' is often used synonymously with 'language transfer,' but is also used to refer specifically to cases of negative influence. Linguists often use contrastive analysis, or the comparison of two languages to identify similarities and differences, in order to determine whether language transfer is likely, and in which forms. In general, the more similar two languages are, the greater the likelihood of positive transfer. Positive transfers often raise the confidence and spur the interest of language learners. Teachers can lessen the impact of negative transfers by becoming familiar with those most likely to arise from a given L1, and then explicitly teach methods of overcoming those transfers.
Contrastive Analysis Contrastive analysis is the study of the similarities and differences between languages. Teachers can use the results of contrast analysis to anticipate language transfer issues likely to be present in their student populations. One of the most common examples is the use in Spanish and French of the verb 'to have' in many contexts in which English uses 'to be' - for example, a literal translation of the English phrase 'I am hungry' becomes 'I have hunger' in Spanish and French. In many languages, including Arabic, adjectives typically follow nouns, whereas in English they usually precede them, resulting in many Arabic-speaking ELLs saying things like 'She is a woman smart.' Haitian Creole verbs do not change to indicate either tense or person, which might lead to a Creole-speaking ELL overusing a single present-tense form. As a final example, Russian speakers use the present tense to convey ongoing actions that in English require the present progressive - thus, rather than saying, 'I am reading right now,' a Russian-speaking ELL might say 'I read right now.'
The Basic Word Order of English Nearly all languages have subjects (S), verbs (V), and objects (O). This is an example of a non-absolute language universal. Of the possible ordering of those three components in a standard sentence, only three are frequently found - S-V-O (as in English), S-O-V (as in Japanese), and V-S-O (as in Malagasy). Both Spanish and English rely overwhelmingly on the S-V-O ordering, though Spanish does allow for frequent subject-verb inversion in cases where English does not. Many Spanish sentences do not have a stated subject at all - because Spanish verbs are conjugated differently for each person (unlike in English), the subject of a sentence can be inferred from the verb. In English, adjectives typically precede nouns; in Spanish, the opposite is more common. In Spanish, nouns cannot modify nouns, so possession is indicated after an object, contrary to English: 'John's car' versus 'el coche de John' ('the car of John').
Universals A language universal is a characteristic that is shared by all the world's languages. In 1966, the linguist Joseph Greenberg published a list of 45 allegedly universal characteristics of language, but modern linguists, with much more language data and computer analysis available to them, are much more cautious. The few agreed-upon absolute universals (those that know of no exception) are relatively uninteresting - for example, all languages have syllables, consonants, and vowels. Linguists work more fruitfully with non-absolute universals - that is, features that are found with a high degree of statistical regularity but also have exceptions. Implicational universals are language properties that occur together - in other words, they fit the logical form of 'If a language has A. it will also have B.' An example of a non-absolute implicational universal is 'If Verb-Subject-Object is the dominant syntax form in a language, the adjective will follow the noun.'
Jim Cummins' Common Underlying Proficiency Hypothesis The common underlying proficiency (CUP) hypothesis states that a bilingual or emerging bilingual individual will draw on a common pool of cognitive and linguistic abilities to speak either language. Thus, his or her abilities and knowledge in L1 are available for and will facilitate L2 learning. Cummins' idea is often called the 'dual iceberg model' because he used this image to illustrate his idea that two apparently distinct peaks of visible ice (L1 and L2) are actually connected below the surface in a vast, single iceberg (the CUP). The CUP stands in contrast to the separate underlying proficiency (SUP), which theorizes that each language a person uses is processed and stored separately in the brain, and thus there is no positive transfer between the two. Proponents of SUP often argue that ELLs should be enrolled in full English immersion programs because their use and development of L1 will only distract from and slow their English acquisition. The preponderance of the evidence, however, supports CUP, as it has frequently been demonstrated that the frequent use of L1 by students in bilingual programs does not slow their acquisition of English.
Rebecca Oxford's Strategies Inventory for Language Oxford developed a six-category classification of strategies students employ when learning a language: 1. Memorization strategies - techniques used to remember and retrieve information. Repetition and formulaic expressions are examples. 2. Cognitive strategies - strategies, such as analyzing or drawing conclusions, that allow students to manipulate the target language. 3. Elaboration - connecting information to what is already known. An example would be connecting something to an analogy or usage in a phrase. 4. Compensation strategies - strategies used when students lack vocabulary in L2. Code-switching, or the insertion of L1 into L2 utterances, is an example. 5. Metacognitive strategies - strategies used by students to improve their own learning habits. Self-monitoring is one example, planning is another. 6. Affective strategies - strategies students use to control their own emotions. Both appeals for assistance and requests for clarification might be examples of affective strategies, as students seek reassurance or reinforcement of what they already know. 7. Social strategies - strategies students use to employ language in social settings. Role-playing is one example. Requests for clarification could be another, as students often ask for clarification as a way of continuing a conversation.
The Strategic Inventory for Language Learning The strategic inventory for language learning (SILL) examination, developed by Rebecca Oxford, is designed to identify the learning strategies used by foreign language students. A first version was developed for English speakers learning foreign languages, and a second version (v 7.0) was created for students learning English as a foreign language. The SILL examination is used both for research purposes and to give individual learners insight into their own learning profile. Oxford's model is perhaps the most influential of several that have emerged from a research focus on language learning strategies. The latter concept grew out of an earlier (1970s) focus on the characteristics of a good language learner. This line of research aims at identifying the strategies used by successful language learners and promoting their widespread use. The cognitive academic language learning approach (CALLA) is another popular model based on the idea of language learning strategies. Oxford, in turn, updated her thinking with the strategic self-regulation model (S2R) of language learning.
CALLA and CALP The cognitive academic language learning approach (CALLA), developed in the 1980s by Anna Chamot and J. Michael O'Malley, is designed to help English language learners (ELLs) with limited English proficiency transition to mainstream content classrooms, usually in secondary school. CALLA emphasizes cognitive and metacognitive approaches to learning by explicitly teaching learning strategies and encouraging students to both plan and evaluate their undertakings in order to refine their use of these skills. Chamot and O'Malley developed a taxonomy of learning strategies based on three broad categories: metacognitive strategies, cognitive strategies, and social/affective strategies. CALLA shares with CALP a focus on helping ELLs who are likely already proficient in social English (basic interpersonal communication skills, or BICS, in Cummins' terms) gain proficiency in academic English, in what is often a daunting environment of an English-only mainstream classroom.
Learning Styles Affect Language Development A learning style is a general predisposition to learn or process information in a certain way. Learning styles are the most common examples of cognitive factors that affect language development. Numerous taxonomies of learning styles have been developed. One common framework suggests that students vary in their preference for visual, auditory, kinesthetic, or tactile learning. For example, a student with a kinesthetic learning preference will best learn through activities that require movement, such as presentations or role-plays; whereas a student with a visual preference will prefer to learn through books or information presented on a Smartboard. Research on learning styles has failed to confirm that students learn best when taught in a style that matches their declared preference. Critics suggest it is more useful for teachers to vary learning styles in accordance with a particular lesson or task rather than with a particular student. Critics also point out that tailoring instruction to match a student's preferred style is tantamount to reinforcing their strengths and ignoring their weaknesses. One conclusion from this research is that teachers should provide students a variety of ways to learn. Another is that a student's affect may be influenced by choice of styles - an important consideration for early ELLs entering a new environment.
Lois Meyer's Four Barriers Meyer identified four loads - or challenges requiring effort to overcome - facing ELLs in the classroom. The first is cognitive load - the number of unfamiliar or unpracticed concepts presented in a lesson. The second is cultural load - the untaught, assumed cultural references embedded in a lesson which may present impediments to an ELL. The third is the language load - the degree to which the lesson language is unfamiliar and stretches a student beyond the range of comprehensible input. Meyer's fourth category is learning load - the extent to which the classroom learning activity is unfamiliar or stressful to the ELL. (For example, if the ELL is asked to debate an issue with a classmate but has no prior experience with debating and is uncomfortable with the interpersonal dynamic, the activity would present a high learning load.) . Meyer's work reminds ESL teachers of the multiplicity of factors that need to be planned or controlled in order to create an optimal classroom learning environment.
The Theory of Multiple Intelligences In 1983, Howard Gardner broadened the definition of intelligence beyond its traditional meaning as what was measured on an IQ test. Gardner argued that we all possess seven (or eight) forms of intelligence, reflecting different cognitive processes in the brain and individual learning preferences. Gardner defined seven original intelligences and subsequently added an eighth: visual/spatial, bodily/kinesthetic, musical, interpersonal, intrapersonal, linguistic, logical/mathematical, and naturalistic. Educators have used the multiple intelligences model to inform second-language instruction. What scholars such as Mary Ann Christion emphasize is the need for ESL teachers to build a repertoire of instructional activities and techniques (and assessment types) that exercise each/all of the intelligences. A varied approach will reach a wider spectrum of learners; further, a skill or lesson taught in multiple forms is more likely to be understood and retained.
Student's Linguistic Background A student's relative proficiency in their native language (L1) is a factor in L2 language development. Students proficient in L1 already possess the perceptual ability to distinguish sounds, words, and syntactical patterns. They will likely also possess certain useful cognitive skills, such as the ability to compare, generalize, and predict. In addition, there may be specific similarities between L1 and L2 that allow for positive transfer. The common underlying proficiency model is based on these ideas - that the various skills and concepts developed during L1 acquisition are available for subsequent learning. The model hypothesized that all language learning draws upon a common core of cognitive-linguistic knowledge rather than knowledge segregated in the brain by language. This model has largely been confirmed by subsequent research.
Age and L2 Acquisition The critical period hypothesis (CPH) argues that, due to brain development, there is an optimal age for learning a language (roughly from age 2 to puberty), and that a person's ability to learn languages declines over time. While the CPH strikes many as intuitively true, subsequent research has rendered the issue more complex. There is no doubt that children and adults learn languages differently. Adults have cognitive and experiential advantages, and usually make more rapid progress in syntax and grammar than do children. Children tend to enjoy more exposure to the target language. In addition, they appear to have advantages in affect and motivation. For example, the fact that adults are conscious of the learning process and are aware of the difficulty of learning languages often reduces their motivation to learn. As implicit, intuitive learners, children are less likely to be discouraged by the difficulties of learning. Further, adults tend to be more self-conscious about making mistakes, a distinct disadvantage when learning a language. A fair conclusion might be that, while adults have more disadvantages in learning languages, these can be overcome. The one exception appears to be accent: research does sustain the claim that children acquire a native accent more often than adults.
Disability Misdiagnoses The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) of 1975 established the right of students with disabilities to receive appropriate education tailored to their individual needs. The legislation qualifies students for what is called special education assistance if they do not reach age-level benchmarks in several language and mathematical competencies, including oral expression, written expression, listening comprehension, reading comprehension, and reading skill. However, IDEA specifies that these deficiencies cannot arise from environmental variables, including limited English proficiency or cultural differences. As many researchers have pointed out, however, many of the characteristics ESL learners manifest during the normal L2 learning process resemble those of native-speakers with disabilities, leading to frequent misdiagnoses. School districts in the United States are required to have a process in place to evaluate children with potential disabilities. Student assessments are made by a team of professionals. If the assessment team, in conjunction with the child's parents, determines that a child needs special education services, the team creates an individualized education program (IEP) that specifies, among other things, the program accommodations, testing modifications, and counseling the child will receive.
Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (Idea) The Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA) obligates schools to provide special education and supportive services to students with certain disabilities. The law covers thirteen conditions. The most commonly-encountered conditions include attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), which is subsumed under (1) other health impairment and (2) specific learning disorders (which includes dyslexia, dysgraphia, dyscalculia, auditory processing disorder, and nonverbal learning disability). The other categories covered by IDEA are: (3) autism, (4) emotional conditions (such as anxiety and depression), (5) speech or language impairment (such as stuttering), (6) deafness, (7) hearing impairments (other than deafness), (8) deaf-blindness, (9) visual impairment, (10) traumatic brain injury, (11) orthopedic impairment, (12) intellectual disability (such as Down syndrome), and (13) multiple disabilities.
Learning Disability Characteristics The responsibility to diagnose learning disabilities rests with trained professionals. However, ESL teachers should have a basic understanding of how the manifestations of learning disabilities and L2 learning complications differ. The most important insight is that learning disabilities very rarely manifest in just one language, and so a teacher who witnesses the problematic performance in L2 can observe how that student interacts with colleagues in L1, or potentially ask his or her parents about L1 production at home. Another general indicator of a learning disability is a language deficit that doesn't improve over time, or after targeted intervention. A third is a language deficit that comes and goes - in most instances of normal L2 acquisition, once a deficit is overcome, a student will make fewer and fewer repeated errors over time. Another sign of a potential learning disability is a domain-specific deficiency - if an L2 learner performs as expected in writing exercises, for example, but lags in speech production, a disability is likely.
Instrumental/Integrative or Intrinsic/Extrinsic Motivation According to Ron Gardner's original classification, students are instrumentally motivated if they are learning English to achieve a specific goal, such as acquiring a job or getting into college. By contrast, they possess integrative motivation if they have a positive view of their future L2 community and wish to fully join it. According to Gardner, integrative motivation is more reliable and durable. Psychologists often distinguish between extrinsic motivation, which is a focus on rewards or punishments; and intrinsic motivation, which exists when an individual wants to do something for the sake of it without concern for reward and punishment. Research shows that intrinsic motivation is more reliable, as extrinsic motivation tends to be temporary, inflationary, and often shifts a learner's focus from the lesson to the reward itself. People differ in the nature, sources, and degrees of motivation, and so it is valid to speak of motivation as a trait. However, human motivation is also heavily context- and situation-dependent, and thus motivation is also a state that can and does change.
Benjamin Bloom and the Affective Domain Benjamin Bloom differentiated between three learning domains - the cognitive (thinking), sensory (doing), and affective (feeling) - and developed a taxonomy of concepts for each domain. His taxonomy of cognitive learning skills and associated action verbs (explain, describe, evaluate, etc.) has been widely influential. His taxonomy of the affective domain is also of interest. Bloom identified five processes that lead to student growth in affective response and understanding. The first process, in order from simple to complex, is receiving - a passive condition that is necessary for learning but which does not by itself add value. The second process is responding, in which a student is attentive to learning and responds with positive emotion. Bloom's third process is valuing, in which a student develops preferences and commitments. In the fourth phase, organization, a student develops a value system, combining elements to create a logical relational framework. In the final, characterizing phase, the student internalizes what he or she has learned and acts in principled ways according to this knowledge. Bloom's concept serves as a reminder that education concerns more than just cognitive development and that the experiences and valuations that students encounter early in life have a lasting impact on their affective outlook.
Zoltan Dornyei's L2 Motivational Self System Zoltan Dornyei built on the broader theory of the ideal self in proposing that L2 students draw upon three different sources of motivation. The first is the ideal L2 self - the image the learner has of the person he or she would like to become through the process of language learning. The second source of motivation is the ought-to L2 self, which is an image driven by a sense of obligation, often one imposed by others' expectations. Finally, the L2 learning experience captures situational motivations, the types that arise daily in the classroom. Dornyei argues that teachers should find ways to appeal to a student's ideal L2 self in order to ensure persistent and consistent motivation. Dornyei argues that teachers must attend to motivation in different ways. First, they must create the basic motivating conditions in the classroom. Second, they must generate initial, individualized motivation. Third, they must maintain and protect that motivation. And finally, because positive self-assessment is necessary for sustained motivation, teachers must encourage students to self-monitor.
Teacher Expectations Contribute to Success Research has demonstrated the importance of teacher expectations in student performance. The core finding is that teacher expectations are, to a degree, self-fulfilling - high expectations lead to better results. Other prescriptions are also well-established: teachers should not create differential expectations based on demographic factors, they should form groups composed of all levels of language proficiency rather than marginalize low performers, they should call on low-proficiency students as often as high-proficiency ones, and they should foster a culture in which errors are seen as a normal part of the learning process. ESL teachers should also use their knowledge of language development and communicative competence to shape their error-correction strategies. Certain types of errors are natural at a given stage of language learning and will likely disappear without explicit correction; teachers can thus afford to let these pass. As a general rule, corrections involving vocabulary are easier for students to learn than corrections of grammar. And finally, teachers should focus on correcting errors that impede communication. Experts agree that error correction is less important to student success than allowing abundant opportunities for language practice and authentic communication.
Self-Efficacy Self-efficacy is the perception people have about their competence. Self-esteem is a broader concept - it refers to a person's overall sense of self-approval or self-disapproval. Attribution theory, first applied to the academic domain by the psychologist Bernard Weiner, uses the concept of self-efficacy to analyze what students believe is the cause of their success or failure on an academic task. Research shows that students tend to attribute academic outcomes to one of four general causes: ability, effort, perceived difficulty, or luck. Students with low self-efficacy tend to attribute academic outcomes to causes outside of themselves (such as difficulty and luck) and are less likely to respond constructively to academic setbacks. Students with a high sense of self-efficacy, in contrast, tend to attribute outcomes to internal causes and are likely to respond to setbacks by working harder. Educational psychologists studying the effects of praise on performance have demonstrated that students perform better, at least in the long run, if they are praised for their efforts or for a specific academic result rather than for their intrinsic ability. This finding reinforces the idea that students perform best when they focus on what they can control and when they believe they can influence the outcome.
Self-Esteem Self-esteem is an attitude of approval or disapproval toward oneself. The psychologist Jonathon Brown has created a typology of self-esteem that is widely-used in ESL contexts. This typology differentiates between general, or global self-esteem, which is a person's broad sense of self-worth; situational self-esteem, which is specific to a certain domain, such as athletics or social skills or foreign language aptitude; and task self-esteem, which arises in the context of performing specific tasks or activities. Research suggests that, once formed by late childhood, global self-esteem changes little over a lifetime. Self-esteem and academic success are linked in a chicken-or-egg type of cycle: high self-esteem is linked to better academic performance, and successful performance has been shown to be the most important factor in building situational self-esteem. Learning a foreign language poses particular challenges to self-esteem. One reason is that students often feel the gap between what they can express in L2 and what they think or feel - or, in other words, they feel a large gap between their genuine self and the self they can communicate.
Anxiety Anxiety is defined as an abnormal sense of apprehension, often accompanied by physiological signs of stress. As with many features of personality, anxiety can be thought of as both a trait, something which people experience in different degrees as a background feature of their personality; and as a state, in response to a particular event or experience. Educational psychologists often differentiate between three types of anxiety experienced by the second-language learner: anxiety over one's ability to communicate in L2, anxiety that peers will view one's L2 communication in negative terms, and anxiety about evaluations and grades. Understanding the source of a student's anxiety will help the ESL teacher mitigate the anxiety's harmful effects. In general, anxiety is debilitative - that is, it is something that detracts or distracts a student from learning. Research has shown, however, that anxiety can also be useful or facilitative to the learning task. Anxiety may lead to greater focus, greater effort, or a sense of competitiveness that can drive a student to mastery.
Inhibition Inhibition is defined as the inner impediment to free expression or action. It is usually viewed in negative terms, often as a defense mechanism erected by individuals with low self-esteem. It is important to note, however, that the absence of inhibition can be pathological, as in the case of many mental illnesses. Inhibition is a critical concept in language learning because of the importance of performance to language learning. Scholars agree that one's willingness to communicate - to seek out opportunities to communicate in L2 - is a key factor in L2 learning success. Successful language learning also requires a measure of risk-taking - the willingness to make mistakes, often public ones, in learning a language. Given the importance of production for language learning, good ESL teachers find ways to reduce student inhibition. Teachers should keep the classroom affective filter low; develop a classroom group identity conducive to risk-taking; allow inhibited students to proceed step-wise toward production, recognizing the necessity of a silent period; and ensure that inhibited students experience early success and ratification.
Language Ego The psychologist Alexander Guiora asserted that individuals learning or using a second language experience widescale changes in their perceived identity, caused by what he referred to as the language ego. According to this theory, a person's original identity is closely tied to their L1 competency and mastery and is challenged or disrupted by an attempt to learn an L2. Guiora used this concept to explain why children acquire second languages more readily than adults - as their egos are less full-formed and less rigid, they suffer less from the feelings of incompetence or social embarrassment inevitable in the language learning process. Subsequent theorists introduced the notion of thick and thin language ego boundaries, suggesting that students with thick boundaries feel fewer inhibitions in language learning and are more comfortable with the performance activities necessary for full linguistic competence.
Affective Filter The concept of affective filter refers to the emotional response an ELL has to a language-learning environment. An ELL's emotional state can either hinder his or her learning (in which case he or she is described as having a high affective filter) or promote learning (a low affective filter). Factors that could contribute to a high affective filter include overcorrection of errors, fear of speech performance in front of peers, or test anxiety. Teachers can lower student affective filters by being cognizant of personality differences and language development differences, ensuring that peers are supportive, and errors are expected and considered to be routine, and limiting the number and significance of summative tests.
Lack of Formal School Experience Students who lack prior formal education are likely to need additional support in the context of an ESL program. Students who have had their school interrupted by war or political upheaval (such as refugees) may suffer from trauma in addition to experiencing gaps in their education. Students who have never attended school are likely to completely lack literacy skills, putting them far behind their peers. They will also lack basic learning and study skills, which many students and teachers take for granted after a certain age. While students without educational experience are often highly motivated to attend school, they also have high drop-out rates, due in part to the demotivation they experience from lagging behind their age group in educational attainment. Even when such learners make dramatic progress, they often underestimate their achievement.
Acculturation Patterns Acculturation is the adaptation of one person or group to the culture of another, often in the context of immigration. The term implies one-way adaptation of a minority group to the culture of a majority group. If the adaptation is complete and the minority comes to resemble the majority, it is termed 'assimilation.' If a minority community resists acculturation, we speak of preservation of their distinct culture. The term 'transculturation' refers to the rare phenomenon of two equally dominant cultures mixing and each adopting elements of the other. Linguist John Schumann's acculturation model argues that a person's success in an L2 is directly related to his or her acculturation into the L2 culture. If a language learner joins the dominant-language culture, they will necessarily have more L2 language experiences, resulting in greater L2 competency. Schumann theorized that a number of factors could limit or even prevent an immigrant learner's acculturation, including his or her perceptions of the L2 language community, whether he or she lived in a cultural enclave or was geographically integrated, and whether the L1 and L2 languages were linguistically similar.
Elective Bilingualism vs. Circumstantial Bilingualism The linguist Guadalupe Valdes draws a distinction between individuals who choose to study a second language (elective bilingualism), often for reasons of personal gain; and those who are forced to learn a second language (circumstantial bilingualism), as in the case of children immigrating to an L2 country. Elective learners of a language, Valdez argued, usually learn the second language in an artificial environment, such as a classroom, rather than through immersion. Although they may eventually reach proficiency, their native language will usually remain dominant. Circumstantial learners, by contrast, do not learn a language because of an individual choice, but as a result of new circumstances, and in order to survive or succeed. They are likely to achieve greater mastery of L2 over time, and L1 and L2 are likely to assume complementary roles in their lives, with either dominant in a given situation. The distinction between elective and circumstantial learners is likely to be most relevant in a class of adult students. Other conceptual categories may be more important when teaching children, such as their age when they immigrated, or whether they will remain resident in the US or return to a home country abroad.
Family Expectations One of the mainstays of education research is that students are more likely to succeed if their parents hold them to high academic expectations. These expectations may manifest themselves in parental reinforcement and encouragement, parental involvement in school meetings and functions, or parental engagement with their child's homework. All three of these areas are potentially problematic in the case of ESLs. Setting aside the issue that cultures value education differently, especially for girls, families that seek to preserve their home cultures may inadvertently or purposefully limit a child's motivation to master L2 - research clearly shows that language proficiency is affected by the degree of acculturation. More importantly, parents of ESL students may not involve themselves in school functions or even attend meetings with teachers, either because of different cultural understandings or because of their own limited English ability. Parents with limited English may not be able to help their children with their homework. And finally, research has revealed that a vicious cycle may develop in relationships in which a child's English proficiency far outstrips that of a parent - in these cases, the differential language abilities may lead to estrangement, conflict, and even withdrawal of parental support for language learning.
Political and Institutional Factors The educational policies instituted at the federal, state, and local level influence the ways in which ESL programs are structured and administered in schools. Within the bounds of those laws, however, schools vary in their initiatives and institutional approaches to their ESL communities. One way in which schools may differ is the degree to which their ESL students are integrated into the broader student community. Schools that celebrate diversity and promote the integration of different language communities achieve better language outcomes. Similarly, schools that recognize and showcase minority languages and cultures achieve greater buy-in from ESL students - if the value of their own cultures is recognized, they are more likely to embrace a new culture. Finally, school engagement with minority cultures should not stop with the students - successful schools also engage with the community, inviting parents and community organizations to participate in school activities and sponsor events that showcase minority cultures.
Impact of Poverty The effects of poverty on student performance are numerous and well-documented: low-income students often lag behind their peers in cognitive abilities, experience emotional deficits (and thus fail to exhibit a full and appropriate range of emotional reactions), and experience ongoing stress, which substantially reduces their ability to learn. English language learners are disproportionately poor - by some estimates, more than 50% of ELLs come from low-income families - and thus ESL teachers need to understand how poverty influences learning and how to recognize students who may be at risk of failing academically or dropping out. Many states or school districts have specific lists of at-risk behaviors, such as erratic attendance, behavioral issues, apathy, negative interaction with peers, and sudden changes in behavior. The at-risk concept is controversial because many believe it is applied wrongly to entire groups of students as a form of stereotyping rather than used constructively to identify students in need of additional support.
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